of men in nearly every town and village from Oslo to Narvik. The purpose of forming this army was to strike back at the Germans, to fight the occupiers of your nation. However, if the underground is not used, or is kept for some future purpose, that effort will have been for naught.”
“Major Cosgrove,” Birkeland said, “the Norwegian government and people are grateful. However, we do not propose to order British troops into combat, and do not feel you should order our troops either.” Birkeland looked at Cosgrove directly, his voice casual yet firm.
“We do not plan to issue orders to units under your direct control,” Cosgrove answered stiffly. “However, it is the policy of His Majesty’s government to carry the fight to the enemy with all our power, as soon as possible. To that end, we respectfully request—request, not order—that you bring the Underground Army into action now. If that is not possible, then we will not hesitate to bring the fight against Nazi Germany to Norway via air attacks and increased commando raids along the coast.” He sat back in his chair, evidently relieved at having delivered the message. There was no relief anywhere else in the room.
“What exactly do you mean, Major?” Skak asked. “What kind of attacks?”
“We must hinder the enemy’s ability to fight,” Cosgrove said, gesturing with an open hand, as if astounded that his request was even being questioned. “Whether we do so through actions of the Underground Army or by bomber attacks or commando raids, it must be done! By you or by other Allied forces. It must.” With that, the open hand slammed down on the table.
“Are you aware, Major, of what happened after our previous attempts to activate Underground Army units?” Birkeland asked.
“Civilian losses are regrettable—”
“They are preventable!” Birkeland shouted. “But not if we order the underground to take action. The Germans have promised to continue reprisals against civilians wherever there is an uprising. Every time we blow up a bridge, innocent men, women, and children will be shot!”
“In wartime,” Cosgrove lectured, “we cannot be responsible for the atrocities committed by our enemies. We cannot allow them to dictate the terms of battle. Norway is strategically located, and its economy cannot be allowed to work for the benefit of the Nazis.”
“So the decision before us,” King Haakon stated, “is how to conduct the fight against the Germans. Either use the Underground Army and accept reprisals against civilians or… ?”
“Or we will bomb factories and other industrial targets. At night, to minimize civilian casualties. The commando raids we have begun will increase in intensity. We have already hurt the Germans’ ability to produce glycerin for explosives through the destruction of fish-oil-processing plants in Nordland.”
“Your Highness,” Skak broke in, “what will the Norwegian people think when the war is over if we let the British fight our battles for us? We have to use the weapon we have created! The Underground Army is ready to fight. Let them do so.”
“No, no,” Birkeland protested, shaking his head. “You are too concerned with factories, Skak. What about people? No room in that bookeeper’s heart for them?”
Skak pointed a bony finger at Birkeland, his face reddening. “You are the king’s economic adviser, you should be concerned about the destruction of our economy, especially if there is an alternative! We will need to govern Norway when the war is over, and that means taxes. No factories, no taxes.”
“The people will not accept a government that allowed them to be put up against a wall and shot!” Birkeland started to rise from his seat, thought better of it, and settled his bulk back down.
“What of the British people and all their losses from the bombing?” asked Skak, opening his arms to all of us, seeking an answer. “They have not cried to their king to surrender, that it is too