Year 501 by Noam Chomsky Page B

they will continue to do as long as power offers them that task.

Chapter 8

    The Tragedy of Haiti

    1. “The First Free Nation of Free Men”
    â€œ H aiti was more than the New World’s second oldest republic,” anthropologist Ira Lowenthal observed, “more than even the first black republic of the modern world. Haiti was the first free nation of free men to arise within, and in resistance to, the emerging constellation of Western European empire.” The interaction of the New World’s two oldest republics for 200 years again illustrates the persistence of basic themes of policy, their institutional roots and cultural concomitants.
    The Republic of Haiti was established on January 1, 1804, after a slave revolt expelled the French colonial rulers and their allies. The revolutionary chiefs discarded the French “Saint-Domingue” in favor of the name used by the people who had greeted Columbus in 1492, as he arrived to establish his first settlement in Europe’s New World. The descendants of the original inhabitants could not celebrate the liberation. They had been reduced to a few hundred within 50 years from a pre-Colombian population estimated variously from hundreds of thousands to 8 million, with none remaining at all, according to contemporary French scholars, when France took the western third of Hispaniola, now Haiti, from Spain in 1697. The leader of the revolt, Toussaint L’Ouverture, could not celebrate the victory either. He had been captured by deceit and sent to a French prison to die a “slow death from cold and misery,” in the words of a 19th century French historian. Medical anthropologist Paul Farmer observes that Haitian schoolchildren to this day know by heart his final words as he was led to prison: “In overthrowing me, you have cut down in Saint-Domingue only the tree of liberty. It will spring up again by the roots for they are numerous and deep.” 1
    The tree of liberty broke through the soil again in 1985, as the population revolted against the murderous Duvalier dictatorship. After many bitter struggles, the popular revolution led to the overwhelming victory of Haiti’s first freely elected president, the populist priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Seven months after his February 1991 inauguration he was driven from office by the military and commercial elite who had ruled for 200 years, and would not tolerate loss of their traditional rights of terror and exploitation.
    â€œAs soon as the last Duvalier had fled Haiti,” Puerto Rican ethnohistorian Jalil Sued-Badillo recounts, “an angry crowd toppled the statue of Christopher Columbus in Port-au-Prince and threw it in the sea,” protesting “the ravages of colonialism” under “a long line of despots” from Columbus to Duvalier, and on to today’s rulers, who have reinstated Duvalier savagery. There were similar scenes in the neighboring Dominican Republic, subjected to a US-imposed terror regime after another Marine invasion in 1965 and a victim of IMF Fundamentalism from the early 1980s. In February 1992, President Balaguer “unleashed his security forces to beat peaceful demonstrators who were protesting the exorbitant expenditures shelled out for the 500-year celebration while the average Dominican starves,” the Council on Hemispheric Affairs reported. Its centerpiece is a multi-million-dollar 100-foot-high half-mile-long recumbent cross with powerful searchlights that “rises above a slum of rat-infested shacks where malnourished, illiterate children slosh through the fetid water that washes through the streets during tropical rainstorms,” the news services reported. Slums were cleared to accommodate its sprawling terraced gardens, and a stone wall conceals “the desperate poverty that its beams will soon illuminate.” The huge expenses “coincide with one of the worst economic crises since the ‘30s,” the former