Capitol Conspiracy by William Bernhardt

consideration, if the Emergency Security Council declares that a state of national emergency exists, the council may assume any and all necessary plenipotentiary powers.
    Section 3.
These plenipotentiary powers assumed by the Emergency Security Council include the power to supersede the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendments to the Constitution, overriding said constitutional authority.
    Section 4.
These plenipotentiary powers shall exist only until such time as the Council declares that the state of national emergency no longer exists. At the time of said proclamation, the suspension of the enumerated amendments shall cease, and they shall regain all prior full force and effect.
    Section 5.
During any such period of national emergency, all other rights and privileges of the citizens of the United States not specifically suspended herein shall remain in full force and effect.

    “I think it’s frightening,” Christina said. “This Emergency Security Council could wipe away every important civil right on the books.”
    “In times of national crisis,” Ben noted.
    “As defined by the president and his Emergency Council.”
    “Would you rather leave it to Congress? Then it would never happen. We could have bombs dropping like snowflakes and they’d still be arguing over parliamentary procedure.”
    “I’m surprised the president even bothered with Congress. He obviously wants to ram this right down the throats of the states.”
    “He didn’t have any choice.” Ben pulled out a copy of the Constitution he always kept in the top drawer of his desk. “Technically, the president has no power to propose amendments—only Congress does. The Constitution also allows state legislatures to propose amendments, but it has never been done that way. Congress must propose the amendment by resolution. The resolution then goes to the Rules Committee in the House and the Judiciary Committee in the Senate. If they pass it, the amendment goes to the floor for a vote by the full membership of both bodies. If they both pass it, then copies are sent to the governors of each state, who then pass it along to the state legislatures for consideration. It takes three-fourths of them—thirty-eight of the fifty.” Ben sighed. “It’s a complicated process. The Founding Fathers meant it to be. They recognized there might be need for change in the future. But they wanted it to be well-considered and deliberate—not something that could be accomplished easily in a rash reactionary moment.”
    “Which is exactly what the president is doing here. Why do you think he urged everyone to move so quickly? He knows he needs momentum to keep this thing alive. If it gets bogged down anywhere along the way, the chances of passage will drop significantly. He’s trying to steamroller this through before people have a chance to think clearly about it. Exactly what the prudent Founding Fathers didn’t want.”
    “You know,” Ben said, “the Founding Fathers were not a bunch of old fogey conservatives. They were basically young wild-eyed radicals who overthrew one government and created another.”
    “And we need to stop President Blake before he does the same thing. He’s trying to use a tragedy to sweep away our civil rights. Surely no one—not even the most conservative of the conservatives—will be that foolhardy. Right?” She swiveled Ben’s chair around so that he faced her. “Right?”
    Ben pursed his lips, then said quietly, “Let’s read it over one more time.”

7
    J. E DGAR H OOVER B UILDING
B ALLISTICS R ANGE
FBI H EADQUARTERS , W ASHINGTON , D.C.
    D eputy Director Joel Salter walked down to the second-level basement of the J. Edgar Hoover Building with no small amount of dread. He hated this assignment. Ever since the disaster of April 19, he had been made permanent liaison to the new director of Homeland Security. And ever since Lucas Marshall was discovered dead, burned and mutilated almost beyond