The Mandarin Code by Steve Lewis

financial meltdown. The US Government’s hand was losing its grip and its people were dismayed.
    And China was growing more powerful by the day. The delegations of heads of government, financiers and industrialists from around the globe were evidence of a shift in the world order. Wealth bought military might: China would soon launch its latest nuclear-powered submarine to patrol the disputed waters of the East China Sea.
    Tomorrow, a front-page article in the People’s Daily would denounce America’s financial attacks on China as part of a plan to contain its surge to pre-eminence. It would declare that China would not sit idle while its interests were threatened.
    Jiang had told his comrades that America had made a critical strategic error and that it was an opportunity that should be seized: immediately and forcefully.
    â€˜We need to press our advantage now, with all the means at our disposal – diplomatic, military and business – to put pressure on the United States,’ Jiang had said. ‘We need to force it to publicly retreat from its pledge to pursue us as currency manipulators. If we can make the superpower take just one step back it will be a massive symbolic victory. A turning point in our history. A sign that China is now powerful enough to bring the US to heel. If they so much as blink, we have won.’
    Jiang had studied the faces of his six comrades, trying to gauge whether his argument was cutting through. Two places to his left, Wu Weifang had coughed to indicate his intention to speak.
    â€˜My young friend is getting ahead of himself.’ Wu was the oldest member of the Standing Committee and his opening remark was designed to make Jiang sound like an impulsive teenager. Wu was in charge of anti-terrorism and national security and despite his age was considered to be the most liberal of the magnificent seven.
    â€˜China must not make the mistake of the West and rush into battle, as the United States did in Iraq and Afghanistan. Patience is our ally. Daily we are growing more powerful but now is not the time to provoke a conflict. What if we misjudge? If we are forced to retreat, this Standing Committee will lose face and credibility early in its tenure. We should push back, of course. But let’s temper our response and bide our time.’
    â€˜Age does bring wisdom . . . for some, Comrade Wu.’ Jiang had locked on the elder statesman, his words laced with sarcasm. ‘But we have waited for more than a century. Generations of our countrymen have lived and died in humiliation. I do not intend to join them. If we listen to you, we will be debating for another hundred years.’
    It had been a risky play. Wu was highly regarded. But Jiang judged that others shared his impatience to demonstrate China’s strength. His intention was to snatch power by isolating dissenting voices. He made his move.
    â€˜I believe that these extraordinary times demand the President’s leadership.’ He’d spoken slowly, turning to each member of the Standing Committee. ‘I propose we establish a new National Security Committee which will direct the military and the police, with the President as its chair.
    â€˜Its aim will be to focus all our energies on responding to this unprovoked act of aggression. The committee would, of course, include Comrade Wu, as it will absorb his responsibilities. I propose that I be the third member because to prevail we will need to harness and direct the nationalist sentiment of our people.’
    No one had spoken as the committee digested the audacious bid to strip Wu of his responsibilities and to hand unprecedented power to the President.
    Wu had turned and pleaded with his leader.
    â€˜Comrade Meng, what is proposed is unwise. It is best that the seven of us deal with these matters and keep the arrangements that have worked so well for our predecessors . . .’
    The President had silenced Wu with a