The Gestapo and German Society: Enforcing Racial Policy 1933-1945 by Robert Gellately
Authors: Robert Gellately
Geschichte des "wilden" Konzentrationslagers Eutin', ViZ 27 (1979) 57o-625.
7" Communications of 15 Dec. 1933. 9 and 16 January 1934, cited in Broszat, 'Kozen- trationslager'. 29-31.
7' Sauer, 871.
7 5 Aronson, i 18.
7' For an introduction and general account of the Rohm purge see Max Gallo, The Night of the Long Knives, trans. L. Emmet (New York, 1992), 11ff.; see the remarks on the older literature in Conan Fischer, Stormtroopers: A Social, Economic and Ideological Analysis 1929-35 (London, 1983), 6ff.; Bessel, 130ff.
"' Ibid. 140.
Bessel, 139.
"Z The place of the Kripo and other 'control organizations' in the police network receives extensive coverage in the next chapter.
For example, on 20 Sept. i9.36 central control was extended with the appointment of Security Police Inspectors (Inspekteure der Sicherheitspolizei, IdS). These men were supposed to co-ordinate local political police and gradually to bypass the older administrative and police set-up, so that it has been suggested that they were 'the first planks in the new police organization Heydrich intended should supplant the old'. While this intention was only partially realized, and had the effect of constantly reducing the power of local Police Presidents-e.g. by making Gestapo officials federal civil servants (in Mar. 1937)-it was part of the trend towards the creation of the political police as an independent entity outside the control of the traditional state institutions: Buchheim, 93.
See e.g. Peter R. Black, Ernst Kaltenbrunner: Ideological Soldier of the Third Reich (Princeton, 1984). 176ff.
BAK: R58/236.
Ibid. 54. Buchheim calls the process Entstaatlichung (p. 55).
17 Buchheim, 117.
"" Gisevius, in IMT xii. 167.
' A classic example of the emphasis on numbers is Eugen Kogon, Der SS-Staat: Das System der deutschen Konzentrationslager (1946: Munich, 1974). 28, who speaks of an 'army' of agents reaching as much as a quarter of a million in the war; Franz Droge. Der zerredete Widerstand: Zur Soziologie and Publizistik des Geruchts im 2. Weltkrieg (Dilsseldorf, 1970)• 54• suggests that for every 2,500 citizens there was one SD worker; had Droge included the whole range of those in the police network the ratio of police to population would have been much lower again.
2 See IMT xxi. 294ff. for affidavits. For the same points see the testimony of Werner Best, ibid. xx. 123ff. Note the national figures in StA M, Gestapo 23, RSHA, Feb. 1944: Gestapo total 31,374, Kripo, 12,992, and SD, 6,482, for a grand total of 50,648 as of i Jan. 1944 in the Sipo (security police).
,See IMT iv. 345.
BAK: R 58/61 o, 55-6: Personaistatistik der Staatspolizei, 31 Mar. 1937.
See the organization of the RSHA and the Gestapo in it in Black, 297ff. (app. D).
fi HStA D: RW 36/3, 6ff., plan of Dusseldorf Gestapo.
Klaus Moritz and Ernst Noam, NS-Verhrechen vor Gericht 1945-1955 Dokumente aus hessischen Justizakten (Wiesbaden, 1998), 272-3.
W Hoffmann, in IMT xx. 16o.
" See Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein, Reg. Eutin, A 112 (26o/1 7 462), Geschaftsbehandlung bei der Regierung and der Verteilung der Geschafte unter Mitgliedern: see also Lawrence D. Stokes, Kleinstadt and Nationalsozialismus: Ausgewdhlte Dokurnente zur Geschichte von Eutin, 19181945 (Neumunster. 1984), 504.
' For Bavaria's Gestapo organization see BAK: R58/1112, 145-6, and R58/242, 101.
Karl Heinz Hoffmann in IMT xx 16o: cf the few in Bielefeld. ibid. xxi. 293-4
12 More will be said about Mann's work and the strengths and weaknesses of Gestapo case-files as historical sources.
" Ibid. 182, chart i.
" See Reinhard Mann, Protest and Kontrolle, 180, table 7, and 188, table 14.
15 Ibid, 266f.: 'nearly io per cent' is reached by adding 7 plus 75 = 82/825.
"See Reinhard Mann, Protest and Kontrolle, 252, table 3i, for a detailed breakdown of the criminality.
'6 See the case in Elke Frohlich, 'Die Herausforderung des Einzelnen: Geschichten fiber Widerstand and Verfol¢ung',
7" Communications of 15 Dec. 1933. 9 and 16 January 1934, cited in Broszat, 'Kozen- trationslager'. 29-31.
7' Sauer, 871.
7 5 Aronson, i 18.
7' For an introduction and general account of the Rohm purge see Max Gallo, The Night of the Long Knives, trans. L. Emmet (New York, 1992), 11ff.; see the remarks on the older literature in Conan Fischer, Stormtroopers: A Social, Economic and Ideological Analysis 1929-35 (London, 1983), 6ff.; Bessel, 130ff.
"' Ibid. 140.
Bessel, 139.
"Z The place of the Kripo and other 'control organizations' in the police network receives extensive coverage in the next chapter.
For example, on 20 Sept. i9.36 central control was extended with the appointment of Security Police Inspectors (Inspekteure der Sicherheitspolizei, IdS). These men were supposed to co-ordinate local political police and gradually to bypass the older administrative and police set-up, so that it has been suggested that they were 'the first planks in the new police organization Heydrich intended should supplant the old'. While this intention was only partially realized, and had the effect of constantly reducing the power of local Police Presidents-e.g. by making Gestapo officials federal civil servants (in Mar. 1937)-it was part of the trend towards the creation of the political police as an independent entity outside the control of the traditional state institutions: Buchheim, 93.
See e.g. Peter R. Black, Ernst Kaltenbrunner: Ideological Soldier of the Third Reich (Princeton, 1984). 176ff.
BAK: R58/236.
Ibid. 54. Buchheim calls the process Entstaatlichung (p. 55).
17 Buchheim, 117.
"" Gisevius, in IMT xii. 167.
' A classic example of the emphasis on numbers is Eugen Kogon, Der SS-Staat: Das System der deutschen Konzentrationslager (1946: Munich, 1974). 28, who speaks of an 'army' of agents reaching as much as a quarter of a million in the war; Franz Droge. Der zerredete Widerstand: Zur Soziologie and Publizistik des Geruchts im 2. Weltkrieg (Dilsseldorf, 1970)• 54• suggests that for every 2,500 citizens there was one SD worker; had Droge included the whole range of those in the police network the ratio of police to population would have been much lower again.
2 See IMT xxi. 294ff. for affidavits. For the same points see the testimony of Werner Best, ibid. xx. 123ff. Note the national figures in StA M, Gestapo 23, RSHA, Feb. 1944: Gestapo total 31,374, Kripo, 12,992, and SD, 6,482, for a grand total of 50,648 as of i Jan. 1944 in the Sipo (security police).
,See IMT iv. 345.
BAK: R 58/61 o, 55-6: Personaistatistik der Staatspolizei, 31 Mar. 1937.
See the organization of the RSHA and the Gestapo in it in Black, 297ff. (app. D).
fi HStA D: RW 36/3, 6ff., plan of Dusseldorf Gestapo.
Klaus Moritz and Ernst Noam, NS-Verhrechen vor Gericht 1945-1955 Dokumente aus hessischen Justizakten (Wiesbaden, 1998), 272-3.
W Hoffmann, in IMT xx. 16o.
" See Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein, Reg. Eutin, A 112 (26o/1 7 462), Geschaftsbehandlung bei der Regierung and der Verteilung der Geschafte unter Mitgliedern: see also Lawrence D. Stokes, Kleinstadt and Nationalsozialismus: Ausgewdhlte Dokurnente zur Geschichte von Eutin, 19181945 (Neumunster. 1984), 504.
' For Bavaria's Gestapo organization see BAK: R58/1112, 145-6, and R58/242, 101.
Karl Heinz Hoffmann in IMT xx 16o: cf the few in Bielefeld. ibid. xxi. 293-4
12 More will be said about Mann's work and the strengths and weaknesses of Gestapo case-files as historical sources.
" Ibid. 182, chart i.
" See Reinhard Mann, Protest and Kontrolle, 180, table 7, and 188, table 14.
15 Ibid, 266f.: 'nearly io per cent' is reached by adding 7 plus 75 = 82/825.
"See Reinhard Mann, Protest and Kontrolle, 252, table 3i, for a detailed breakdown of the criminality.
'6 See the case in Elke Frohlich, 'Die Herausforderung des Einzelnen: Geschichten fiber Widerstand and Verfol¢ung',
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